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Although Chile had a long history of democratic elections, by the late 1960s political divisions had become polarized between a socialist left and an authoritarian right. During the 1970 presidential elections, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) used funds to sway the election away from the socialist candidate, Salvador Allende. Yet with only 36 percent of the vote, Allende carried the election. President Nixon supported a CIA plan to stage a military coup to stop Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not implemented. Establishing a coalition government ("Unitad Popular" or Popular Unity), Allende attempted to nationalize parts of the corporate economy that were controlled by monopolistic businesses. In 1971, the Congress voted unanimously to nationalize the copper industry, which was dominated by two U.S. corporations, Kennecott and Anaconda. Under Allende, the government confiscated large landed estates, turning over agricultural holdings to resident workers. Allende also authorized government-worker management of numerous factories. Meanwhile, to stimulate the economy, the government raised wages and salaries, boosting workers' and middle-class consumption. Allende's coalition felt pressure from within and without. While socialists demanded more reforms, moderates wanted a more legalistic approach. Rejecting rapid socialism, some centrist groups shifted to the right. And the right-wing opposition became more hostile to the ruling groups. Allende also adopted a leftist foreign policy, establishing diplomatic relations with Cuba, the People's Republic of China (which was then not recognized by the United States), North Korea, North Vietnam (still at war with the United States), and other communist states. In a world still split along Cold War divisions of capitalism/communism, Allende accepted aid from the Soviet Union. From the perspective of Washington, D.C., such alignments threatened U.S. interests in Latin America. Nationalization of the copper industry led Washington to put pressure on Chile's economy--in the words of CIA chief Richard Helms, "to make the economy scream." Using the World Bank and other financial institutions, the United States blocked loans and development funds. At the same time, U.S. military programs extended aid and training to Chilean armed forces that were unfriendly to the Allende regime. The CIA also gave covert aid to opposition media and political parties to destabilize the government. U.S. corporations, such as ITT, joined the CIA in funding anti-government demonstrations and strikes. Such agitation strengthened right-wing groups and emboldened the military opposition. By 1972, the ruling coalition faced serious economic problems. As production failed to keep pace with consumer demand, shortages increased and prices skyrocketed. Foreign investment dried up, partly a result of the U.S. boycott. Meanwhile, the government's deficit spending aggravated the inflation. These economic issues bolstered the right wing. A coalition of right and center groups blocked government initiatives in Congress. To broaden his support, Allende changed cabinets, bringing military leaders into the government. The 1973 congressional elections failed to resolve the political stalemate. Although Allende's party gained seats, the opposition held a majority in the Congress. Political polarization encouraged demonstrations from both the left and the right, further challenging the ruling coalition. Military leaders spoke openly about a coup. During the summer of 1973, a wave of business lockouts and workers' strikes, particularly among the truckers, accentuated the economic crisis. By then, the right-wing political opposition was urging the armed forces to intervene. Allende proposed a national plebiscite to resolve the stalemate, but the military under General Pinochet acted first, on September 11. The resulting coup, as Missing shows, was violent and brutal. The military killed numerous officials (Allende may have committed suicide); thousands of civilians were arrested, tortured, and executed. The Pinochet regime proceeded to silence political opposition in the press, the universities, and the legislature. The nation's democratic traditions disappeared for a generation. Missing does not address the origins of the rebellion. Clearly the coup resulted more from issues within Chilean society and politics than from the role of the United States. The CIA added fuel to a smoldering fire. Not until after President Nixon's resignation in 1974 did the U.S. public seriously question his policies in Chile. In 1975, a select Senate investigating committee, headed by Frank Church, released a report titled "Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973," which documented the role of the CIA in destabilizing the Allende regime. Although Charles Horman's family failed in its lawsuit against the U.S. government, the question of violations of international law arose during the late 1990s when a Spanish judge, Baltasar Garzon, indicted the retired General Pinochet. When the ex-dictator visited England for medical reasons, Garzon requested his extradition to Spain. Claiming authority under international treaties, the judge accused Pinochet of crimes against foreign nationals in Chile. The charges appeared credible, holding Pinochet for a year in custody. The courts eventually ruled that his failing health prevented a fair trial. Garzon also requested U.S. documents to pursue a criminal investigation of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger for his role in the Chile coup. The U.S. government refused to cooperate. But subsequently released documents indicate that Washington officials knowingly participated in the September 11 coup. Since then, Judge Garzon has supported the creation of an International Criminal Tribunal to deal with crimes of world leaders. In 2000, President Bill Clinton signed a treaty creating such a court, but before it was submitted to the Senate for ratification, President George W. Bush withdrew the U.S. signature. |
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